The Evolution of Civic Politics and the Future of Democracy as Discussed by Yoo Si-min

The Origins of Critical Support and the Awareness of Citizen Surveillance during the Roh Moo-hyun Era

After the democratization of South Korea, a unique political culture known as 'critical support' took root in the progressive camp. This originated during the 1987 presidential elections when some activist groups chose to support an imperfect opposition candidate conditionally while criticizing the need for a change from the authoritarian regime. During Kim Dae-jung's administration, civil society took on the role of strict watchdogs rather than fully supporting the government, especially regarding misguided policies or decisions. This tradition was continued during President Roh Moo-hyun's term with the founding of 'Noh Sa-mo' (the group of people who love Roh Moo-hyun). At a meeting shortly after Roh's election victory, members shouted "Supervision!" in response to the question, "What should we do when he becomes president?" which revealed their sense of civic oversight. In fact, Noh Sa-mo publicly opposed the Roh government’s decision to dispatch troops to Iraq, embodying the attitude of 'critical support' by supporting what should be supported and criticizing what should be criticized. President Roh Moo-hyun also valued citizen discussion and oversight, requesting even those who criticize to "keep an eye on him," considering criticism as a driving force of democracy. This awakened civic consciousness and culture of critical support became the foundation for the activities of progressive politicians of that time, including Yoo Si-min, and formed the soil for checks on power and participatory democracy.

The Participatory Government and Minister Yoo Si-min: The Gap Between Ideal and Reality

During the Roh Moo-hyun administration, Yoo Si-min was recognized as a key figure to realize the spirit of participation through policy. He was appointed as the Minister of Health and Welfare in February 2006 and promoted welfare reform for a year and three months. However, the barriers of reality were high. From the moment he took office, he faced strong opposition in places such as the National Assembly personnel hearing, and Minister Yoo himself vowed to think only of the people as an administrator, not a politician, saying, 'The road to Gwacheon has not been smooth.' He prioritized national pension reform, pushing for changes by stating, 'The national pension debt accumulates by 80 billion won every day.' However, his blunt expression that 'civil servants must work even if they have to do so in a pigpen if necessary' sparked backlash from the civil service and embroiled him in various controversies. While he had restrained his political comments, he made principled statements again towards the end of his term, receiving pressure from within the ruling party to 'be cautious with his words.' Ultimately, the revised national pension law was voted down in the National Assembly, and Minister Yoo struggled, saying, 'I can hear the ticking of a time bomb,' but resigned without results. At his retirement ceremony, he tearfully lamented, 'I am a politician who has fallen into a very deep sense of frustration.' This was the agony experienced by a reformist politician faced with the gap between the ideals pursued by the participatory government and the reality, which later became the backdrop for his retreat from the political front.

Roh Moo-hyun's Death, Yu Si-min's Shock, and the Suspension of Political Activities

In May 2009, the sudden passing of President Roh Moo-hyun was a great shock to Yoo Si-min. Upon hearing the news in Bongha village, he silently covered his face with a handkerchief and shed tears, while his comrades lamented, saying they felt like criminals for not being able to protect President Roh. Witnessing the collapse of the vision for the participatory government, Yoo Si-min seemed to feel a deep sense of loss and disillusionment. He later sought to re-enter politics by co-founding the People's Participatory Party with pro-Roh figures, and he ran in the 2010 local elections while also participating in the opposition's unification, but he struggled to gain public support. Ultimately, in 2013, Yoo Si-min announced his retirement from politics, reflecting on his decade-long political activities. In an interview, he confessed, "I aimed for a politics where regional conflicts would be resolved, party innovation, participatory democracy, and policy competition would be realized, but it didn't happen, and I don't see any possibility of it happening, so I've lost now. I've tried everything I have, but I acknowledge my defeat." His utterance of "I have lost" encapsulated the deep frustration and resignation of a politician who had fought for ideals but hit the wall of reality. Overwhelmed by the shock of losing Roh Moo-hyun, the series of electoral defeats, and the oppression under the conservative regime, Yoo Si-min concluded that he could no longer find a path to realize his dreams in practical politics.

"Do Whatever You Want" - The Moon Jae-in Administration and Culture of Absolute Support

The launch of the Moon Jae-in government in 2017 brought new hope to the progressive camp, but it also demonstrated a change in support culture that was different from the past. Citizens who had shouted for critical support during the Roh Moo-hyun era responded this time with the slogan, "Let our Ini do whatever he wants." The fandom of President Moon, known as 'Moonpa', chose absolute support over monitoring power, unlike the "Nohsamo" supporters. While supporters of Roh Moo-hyun cried out for "supervision" in 2003, the supporters in 2017 sent blind encouragement, saying, "Let the president do whatever he wants," and attacked media and figures that criticized President Moon or expressed different voices. This led to a blind loyalty that went beyond the level of Roh Moo-hyun's request to "watch out for those who shake things up." In fact, during the early days of the Moon Jae-in government, some ardent supporters organized to criticize media outlets that had reported differently from them, labeling them "giraffes," and launched boycotts against media companies and name-calling campaigns against journalists, primarily within pro-government internet communities. Even progressive media faced fierce protests when they criticized the government, highlighting a conflict between the media and the support base. One media commentary diagnosed the situation as "In the past, power and media were at odds, but now the media is in conflict with supporters, not the ruling authority." This culture of absolute support underpinned the government's drive but weakened the functions of internal checks and self-reflection, leading to a closed-off environment that could not accept healthy criticism. This phenomenon contrasted sharply with the civic watchdog spirit of the Roh Moo-hyun era and later emerged as a new dilemma within the progressive camp.

Choosing Commentary Over Politics: Yoo Si-min's Transformation and Intentions

During the Moon Jae-in administration, Yoo Si-min observed the changes in the political support landscape but did not return to the political arena. Instead, he chose the path of communicating with the public as a writer and critic. In 2019, the Roh Moo-hyun Foundation, headed by Yoo Si-min, launched the YouTube program "Alirreo," where he took on the role of responding to fake news and easily explaining government policies. His eloquence and clear logic garnered significant attention, leading to reactions like, "It feels refreshing when Yoo Si-min speaks up" whenever political issues arose. However, he repeatedly stated, "I have no intention of returning to politics," and declared that he would temporarily halt political commentary after the 2020 general election broadcast. Yet, just a few months later, he sparked controversy by revealing his stance on key issues, leading to discussions about his reversal of retirement from political commentary. While public expectations were high, Yoo Si-min clearly expressed his determination to remain a 'knowledge retailer' and political analyst. The background of this choice lies in his previously stated confessions of frustration, such as, "No matter how I think about it, I lost." He felt the limitations of institutional politics and sought new ways to change the world outside of politics. Writing books and changing public consciousness through lectures and broadcasts became his chosen new practice. Yoo Si-min, who is now on the path of an analyst and commentator rather than a politician, can be seen as a case of embodying the changed political participation culture in his own way.

The appointment of Yoon Seok-yeol as Prosecutor General symbolized the limitations of the Moon Jae-in administration.

One of the most ironic scenes during the Moon Jae-in administration was the appointment of Prosecutor General Yoon Seok-yeol. The selection of Yoon, who led the investigation into corruption during the Park Geun-hye administration, was a bold move that stemmed from expectations that he would serve as a catalyst for judicial reform. However, after his appointment, Yoon shifted his focus to investigations targeting the core of the administration, including the probe into then-Minister of Justice Cho Kuk, which caused significant ripples throughout the political landscape. Judicial reform was a key agenda of the Moon Jae-in government, but the poor appointment of the prosecutor general ultimately backfired, hindering the reform process. Cho Kuk, who oversaw the personnel vetting at the time, later reflected, saying, "It was my fault for not properly vetting Yoon Seok-yeol's appointment." Former President Moon Jae-in was also reported to have expressed regret about Yoon's appointment after leaving office. Ultimately, the appointment of Yoon became a symbol of the limitations of the Moon Jae-in administration. The ruling forces attempted to reform power institutions, but due to a misjudgment in personnel decisions, they faced resistance from prosecutorial power, resulting in the ironically named Yoon Seok-yeol government. Yoo Si-min analyzed that at that time, the collusion between the prosecution and media powers was hindering reform and criticized the Moon Jae-in government for having "failed to properly exercise its personnel authority in a timely manner, being overly focused on procedural legitimacy." This incident served as a confirmation for Yoo Si-min of how difficult it is to enact reform within established institutions and highlighted the importance of organized citizen power to transcend the limits of reform from above.

The Rise of Fandom Politics: What the 'Gae-dal' Phenomenon Has Shown

Recently, in South Korean politics, there has been the emergence of a proactive support base that is closer to fandom, transcending the traditional concept of supporters. A representative example of this is the phenomenon of 'Gaedal' among female supporters in their 20s and 30s for Lee Jae-myung of the Democratic Party. 'Gaedal' is a shortening of 'Daughters of Reform', and it began when women in their 20s and 30s banded together in response to the People Power Party's concentrated targeting of male voters in that age group during the 2022 presidential election. They began to refer to themselves as such. These individuals carried out enthusiastic and organized support activities centered around online communities and social media. During the election period, they voluntarily created and distributed promotional materials, such as “Lee Jae-myung will do it,” and actively participated in group cheering at street campaigning events. After the election, they continued their political participation by joining the party and exerting influence within it. However, this passion sometimes appeared as excessive loyalty. They labeled Democratic Party figures who diverged from their views as 'watermelons,' sent group text bombings, and staged truck protests in front of the party headquarters, displaying aggressive behavior. The term 'Gaedal,' which was once used in a positive sense, has come to be used synonymously with 'strong fandom,' leading to a negative image. Of course, there are counterarguments that not all female supporters in their 20s and 30s are extreme. In fact, a female Gaedal supporter in her 20s expressed her frustration in an interview, stating, “Gaedal is not violent. We are being accused of all kinds of violence,” asserting that they are helping the party in a positive manner. Nevertheless, the Gaedal phenomenon is noteworthy as it symbolizes a generational shift in the culture of political participation in South Korea. While the past generations, such as Generation X and the 586 generation, participated in politics through protests in the streets and policy discussion meetings, some in the MZ generation are demonstrating their political presence through new methods intertwined with idol fandom culture. This represents a significantly different manifestation from the tradition of critical support that Yu Si-min was part of, and compared to an era where political participation relied on scrutiny and discussions, the fandom-centered political culture poses a change that raises questions about how to interpret this 'era of political fandom.'

"Public Tranquilizer" Yoo Si-min: The Role in the Yoon Seok-yeol Era

Since the launch of the Yoon Suk-yeol government in May 2022, the progressive camp has faced severe trials. Under the pressure of the prosecution's investigations and attacks from conservative media, opposition figures like Lee Jae-myung found themselves cornered, and the policies of the Moon Jae-in government were being overturned one after another, leading many Democratic Party supporters to feel anxiety and loss. During this time, Yoo Si-min stepped back into the public eye, taking on the roles of commentator and mentor. Through interviews with various media and appearances on current affairs programs, he analyzed the actions of the Yoon Suk-yeol government and provided necessary advice and comfort to opposition supporters. Whenever he spoke, reactions emerged online such as, "As expected from Yoo Si-min, I feel a bit relieved after listening," and he soon earned the nickname "National Tranquilizer." In late 2023, amid the turbulent political climate surrounding rumors of President Yoon Suk-yeol's impeachment, Yoo Si-min appeared on broadcasts to accurately assess the situation and even predict the Constitutional Court's decisions. Supporters expressed relief, stating, "Listening to Yoo Si-min's words clears my heart." He also appeared on Kim Eo-jun's podcast and CBS radio, encouraging voting participation and appealing for unity within the progressive camp, positioning himself as a big brother in the opposition. Regarding the nickname given to him, he humorously remarked, "I'm glad to be a tranquilizer," showing satisfaction in being able to provide some strength to weary supporters. Although he has stepped back from active politics, Yoo Si-min remains a prominent opinion leader in the public discourse. While his previous stages were the National Assembly podium and ministerial positions, now YouTube and broadcasts have become his new platforms, and each of his remarks resonates meaningfully, soothing the anxious public sentiment.

The Organized Power of Awake Citizens: Roh Moo-hyun's Legacy and Yu Si-min's Appeal

Since 2023, Yoo Si-min has frequently reminded the public of President Roh Moo-hyun's last teachings in public forums. At an event organized by the Roh Moo-hyun Foundation, he quoted Roh's saying, "The last bastion of democracy is the organized power of awakened citizens," emphasizing that citizens must protect democracy even in the current crisis. His statement, particularly that "protecting Representative Lee Jae-myung is tantamount to protecting democracy," sparked significant discussion. As Representative Lee faced investigative pressure and calls for political resignation under the Yoon Seok-yeol administration, Yoo asserted, "If we lose in this power struggle, the entire camp will collapse. Do you think everything will end if Lee Jae-myung falls?" He stressed the importance of citizens uniting to protect Lee, diagnosing that if a major opposition leader succumbs, the democratic capacity of the entire opposition would weaken. By directly advising Lee not to step down from his party leadership, he called for unity within the opposition. Yoo's appeals were a direct application of Roh Moo-hyun's words about the organized power of awakened citizens to today's political landscape. This phrase is engraved on Roh's gravestone and represents the essence of his political legacy. Yoo believes it is time for this legacy to be revived. Through this message, he explains why he continues to make social statements without fully engaging in politics. His goal is not to wield power himself, but to help citizens exercise their own power. Ultimately, political non-participation can be seen not as resignation but as another form of participation. He believes that the movements of organized citizens, both on the streets and online, are the real strength that sustains democracy, and as an analyst and civic activist, he strives to keep that flame alive. The core lesson of democracy learned from Roh Moo-hyun is now being put into practice by Yoo Si-min alongside citizens.

You Si-min and the Politics of Citizens, A New Phase

The reason why Yoo Si-min no longer participates in elections and walks the path of a political commentator is deeply intertwined with the flow of Korean political culture over the past 20 years. The matured consciousness of citizens symbolized by critical support, the idealism and disillusionment of the participatory government, the spread of fandom-driven support culture and the conflicts arising from it, and the deep belief in the 'organized power of awake citizens,' a legacy of Roh Moo-hyun - Yoo Si-min has constantly redefined his position at the center of all these changes. His decision to step outside institutional politics and distance himself from politics is not merely a strategic choice. Beneath the surface lies a painful sense of self-reproach for failing to protect the president Roh Moo-hyun, whom we chose for ourselves. The poignant experience that protecting a politician cannot rely solely on the power of the system or the logic of the media, along with the resentment and disappointment he felt towards the supporters he believed in, led him to retreat from politics. However, he has not left. Rather, he has moved to a position where he can understand politics more deeply and view it from a broader stage. He has now chosen the role of an educator and neutral commentator who supports the evolution of civic consciousness outside of institutions and guides awake citizens. His influence on politics is not measured by the number of seats or the height of power. Instead, that influence operates in the hearts of individual citizens, prompting questions about what kind of politics we should dream of and what kind of society we should aspire to. In this sense, protecting Lee Jae-myung, who may soon become president, should also be the responsibility of supporters represented by the 'organized power of awake citizens,' rather than the institutional apparatus of the media or the Democratic Party, which is Yoo Si-min's true hope. Even without directly stating it, he has conveyed this sentiment through silent gaze and occasional remarks. Fortunately, the young supporters once referred to as 'Gaettal' have now evolved into a new political entity called the 'Revolution of Light.' Observing this existence, Yoo Si-min may have finally exhaled a breath of relief. The collective awakening and practice pledging not to repeat the failures of the past is now manifesting as a political force in reality. This flow signifies a new phase of Korean democracy. Ultimately, democracy can only be accomplished through citizens' own responsibility and practice. Therefore, Yoo Si-min's political non-participation can be understood not merely as an individual's withdrawal, but as a new mode of participation in citizen politics and the matured evolution of democracy. The paradoxical change, where citizens finally stand as leaders in the space he vacated, is further deepening and broadening the cultural horizon of Korean politics. Yoo Si-min remains an important critic and educator of our era, sometimes acting as a mentor for the public and influencing the course of politics. Even if he does not run for elections again, the power to change citizens' thoughts and attitudes towards politics still resides with him. He states today that politics should not only happen in the National Assembly or the Blue House but among citizens. And that statement is increasingly verified through the experiences of more and more people. Yoo Si-min has stepped down from the political stage, yet as a result, more citizens are rising to the political stage. His belief that the last bastion of democracy is the power of citizens is now becoming ingrained as a cultural phenomenon. His journey questioning and practicing the essence of politics from outside of it is a continuous process of asking and answering how citizen politics begins and how it should be sustained. So we ask: the politics after Yoo Si-min, ultimately, it is citizen politics. And the next scene of that politics will begin right at our fingertips.