The Sword of Lee Jae-myung, Jeong Seong-ho as Minister of Justice Designate? The Executor of Prosecutorial Reform, the Time of Jeong Seong-ho

Introduction: It's not a declaration of reform, but a time when execution begins

In the summer of 2025, the center of political discourse once again revolves around 'judicial reform'. The 'four laws for judicial reform' proposed by some members of the Democratic Party aim to dismantle the prosecution office and completely separate investigative and prosecutorial powers. Unlike previous periods when reforms stagnated, this time the attempt to fundamentally change the structure is leading to actual legislation, which signifies its strength and authenticity. However, even if this bill passes through the National Assembly, it does not mean that reality will change immediately. Systems must be implemented to be effective. At this juncture, Rep. Jeong Seong-ho has been designated as the candidate for Minister of Justice. This cannot be seen merely as a simple political patronage appointment. The reason chosen by President Lee Jae-myung is not loyalty but feasibility. Jeong Seong-ho is a rare politician who possesses a career as a legal professional, experience as a legislator, and capabilities in political persuasion and administrative management. His appointment as minister symbolizes that judicial reform is on the threshold of reality, rather than just a declaration.

Who is Jeong Seong-ho: A person who penetrates both the system and politics

Jung Seong-ho is a former prosecutor who graduated from Seoul National University's Law School and completed the 18th class of the Judicial Research and Training Institute. Having entered politics after working in the legal field, he is currently a five-term lawmaker and is regarded as a senior member within the Democratic Party. He has accumulated a deep understanding of legislative skills and institutional design by participating in key committees within the National Assembly, such as the Committee on Legislation and Judiciary, the Intelligence Committee, and the Budget and Accounts Committee, where substantial decision-making takes place. He is a remarkable figure who possesses both practical experience as a prosecutor and experience in institutional reform as a politician. Having directly experienced the organizational culture and the functioning of authority within the prosecution in the past, he has also played a role in monitoring and adjusting these aspects within the National Assembly. This dual experience provides him the qualifications of a practitioner who can understand and change reality, rather than merely being a critic. His moderate yet principled attitude is one of the reasons he is trusted within his party.

Lee Jae-myung and Jeong Seong-ho: Politics of Trust, not Loyalty, Togetherness

The relationship between Jung Sung-ho and Lee Jae-myung dates back to their time at the Judicial Research and Training Institute in the 1980s. The two engaged in activities with the 'Labor Law Society,' discussing social structure issues and gaining practical experience. Later, as a prosecutor in Seongnam, Jung Sung-ho maintained a friendship with Lee Jae-myung, who was active as a citizen movement advocate and human rights lawyer. Their political collaboration began to take shape during Lee Jae-myung's tenure as Mayor of Seongnam. As Lee transitioned into national politics and became a presidential candidate, Jung Sung-ho played key roles as the head of the overall campaign team and the special advisory team. He was both a strategist for the campaign and a mediator, coordinating external messages during crises. Lee Jae-myung's statement, "I am from the Jung Sung-ho faction," reflects not just a simple loyalty but a deep respect for Jung Sung-ho as a colleague with substantial trust and sound judgment.

Prosecutorial Reform Four Laws and the Practical Responsibility of the Ministry of Justice

The four laws of judicial reform involve dismantling the prosecution office and reallocating prosecutions to a public prosecution office and investigations to a serious crimes office. This is not merely a matter of changing organizational names it requires a complete redesign of the power structure. Even if the laws pass through the National Assembly, the entities responsible for designing and implementing actual operations are in the executive branch, with the Ministry of Justice at the center. The Ministry of Justice will function as the central agency for realizing this legislation. A highly intricate process will be necessary, including a phased abolition of the prosecution office, personnel reallocation, budget distribution, enactment of executive orders, and the design of legal powers and responsibilities for the public prosecution office. In this process, the Minister of Justice is not just a commander but also the executor and a political leader responsible for mediating conflicts. Among all, Jeong Seong-ho is the most prepared individual to oversee these tasks.

Why Jung Seong-ho: The Intersection of Political Persuasion and Practical Competence

Jeong Seong-ho is a legal expert who understands the prosecution organization and, at the same time, a legislator who views it from a critical distance. He has continuously pointed out issues such as the abuse of investigative authority, the disclosure of facts about suspects, and selective investigations. He has also played a role in ensuring that prosecution reform is not distorted by the frame of 'government's control of the prosecution.' To overcome the waves of conflict surrounding reform, a person with strong political persuasion and practical capabilities is necessary. Jeong Seong-ho is a rare individual who possesses a trust-based collaboration with the bureaucratic organization within the Ministry of Justice, the ability to communicate with the National Assembly, and a trusting relationship with the President. He is currently the most realistic choice to handle this reform.

Redefining the Ministry of Justice: From an Ally of Prosecutorial Power to a Democratic Oversight Body

The Ministry of Justice has been a department overseeing the appointments of prosecutors however, in practice, it has played a role more aligned with justifying or protecting the powers of the prosecution. There have been repeated instances of negligence or complicity regarding political investigations, leading to criticism that the Ministry acts as an agent of the prosecution. The Jeong Seong-ho regime holds the possibility of altering this structure. It is time for the Ministry of Justice to function as a democratic oversight body that restrains the prosecution, redefines the investigative authority structure, and prioritizes the protection of citizens' rights. This change must be proven through actual functional reorganization and structural change, not merely symbolic slogans, and Jeong Seong-ho is a figure equipped with the position and capability to design and promote this transformation.

Conclusion: Can the Jeong Seong-ho regime turn prosecutorial reform into reality?

The prosecution reform is now at the threshold of implementation, moving beyond mere declarations. Political justification alone is insufficient specific institutional designs and organizational execution must be carried out in tandem to lead to substantial change. The Ministry of Justice will take on the responsibility of reorganizing the state's investigation and prosecution system, and Jeong Seong-ho is the ministerial candidate who can shoulder this responsibility. He is a political partner who shares President Lee Jae-myung's intentions while possessing the ability to make independent administrative judgments. He may be the only practitioner capable of proving that the prosecution reform is not a power struggle but rather a restoration of constitutional spirit and citizen rights. It is hoped that the Jeong Seong-ho administration will not just symbolize superficial reform, but create an actual structure for change.