The truth behind Yoon Seok-yeol's martial law orders revealed by National Intelligence Service's Hong Jang-won, why did he expose it?

Introduction: The Rise of Certain Witnesses in Uncertain Times

At the end of 2024, South Korea witnessed the moment when the term 'martial law' became a reality. Candles filled the plaza, and the National Assembly initiated the impeachment of the president. At that time, the Blue House issued orders to the intelligence and military leadership to "breach the National Assembly and drag out the lawmakers" and "immediately arrest everyone after identifying their locations." In defiance of these commands, one person broke the silence. Hong Chang-won, former First Deputy Director of the National Intelligence Service. He became a rare internal whistleblower in the history of the NIS and created a decisive turning point in the unprecedented event of the president's removal. This essay analyzes who he was and how he transformed from 'an executor of power' to 'a guardian of the constitution.'

From Black Agents to the Highest Command: Who is Hong Jang-won?

Hong Jang-won was not an official agent of the National Intelligence Service but rather an unofficial specially selected agent, commonly referred to as a 'Black Agent.' He accumulated achievements in operational activities in China, gathering intelligence on North Korea, and counter-terrorism operations. During the Moon Jae-in administration, he was appointed as the first deputy director amid an internal political restructuring of the National Intelligence Service. His position was not merely that of a practitioner. The first deputy director of the National Intelligence Service is the practical overseer of domestic counterintelligence, counter-espionage, and psychological warfare departments, positioned at the center of the cooperation system with the military and police. A single decision he made had the potential to change the nationwide response system.

Martial Law D-day: Yoon Suk-yeol's Instructions and Hong Jang-won's Judgement

On the night of December 3, 2024, former President Yoon Suk-yeol issued a directive stating, "This opportunity should be used to catch them all," and "The National Intelligence Service should cooperate with the Counterespionage Command to track the locations of the members of the National Assembly." This statement was a direct expression from the President as reported by Hong Jang-won or communicated through a call, and later became a key testimony acknowledged for its authenticity by the Constitutional Court. Following this directive, the following actions were intended to be executed: the National Intelligence Service's Counterintelligence Investigation Bureau attempted to ascertain the locations of approximately 32 opposition lawmakers, the Ministry of National Defense ordered the Capital Defense Command to develop a plan for entering the National Assembly, the National Police Agency drafted movement orders for troops to major squares in Seoul and around the National Assembly, and the Cyber Psychological Warfare Unit prepared a draft scenario for manipulating public opinion against the Constitutional Court's judgment. Hong Jang-won considered this series of actions "unconstitutional operations and an attempt at insurrection" and worked to delay the execution of the orders within the National Intelligence Service while hinting at the 'possibility of independent action by the military' to the outside. In unofficial communications with military and police leadership, he repeatedly conveyed psychological warnings like, "If you act now, the National Intelligence Service will be left out," which ultimately led to a slowdown in the movements of some generals.

Turning Point of Constitutional Court Judgment: Testimony Revealing Structure, Not Silence

"After the impeachment motion was passed, the Constitutional Court conducted proceedings centered around the highly unusual provision of 'incitement to insurrection.' Former President Yoon's side attributed all responsibilities to the excessive loyalty of the military and intelligence agencies. However, Hong Jang-won's testimony effectively undermined this defensive argument. He stated to the Constitutional Court: a clear prior intervention by the President ("He instructed to 'arrest all members of the National Assembly.'"), alignment with the exact time, location, and records of the Cheong Wa Dae meeting, explanations of how the integrated operations among the National Intelligence Service, Ministry of National Defense, and police were coordinated, and a structural description indicating that attempts at internal resistance were thwarted by the direct mention of "President Yoon's executive order" from higher-ups. Ultimately, the Constitutional Court stated in its ruling: "The testimonies of high-ranking officials, including the first deputy chief of the National Intelligence Service and the commander of the Special Warfare Command, are consistently aligned without contradictions in time and context, proving that the President issued unconstitutional commands directly." This became the decisive argument for the constitutional judgment regarding incitement to insurrection and abuse of martial law.

Ethical Turning Point of Intelligence Agencies: 'The State' is Not the Regime

The testimony of Hong Jang-won is not merely a revelation of the president's mistakes. It was an opportunity to redefine the National Intelligence Service from a tool of power to a subordinate agency of the constitution. In an interview, he stated, 'The National Intelligence Service should not be an agency that monitors the people, but an agency that makes the people trust the state again.' This statement was a declaration that reinterpreted the essence of intelligence agencies as defined by the constitution—'national security'—not as a safeguard for regime security but as a guarantee of popular sovereignty. Following this, the political sphere and academia began discussions on 'NIS Reform 2.0' sparked by this testimony. In particular, proposals were submitted to strengthen the prohibition of political intervention by the NIS, to establish independence from the president’s direct structure, and to enhance the control of the National Assembly's Intelligence Committee.

Conclusion: True loyalty is directed towards the constitution

Hong Jang-won was one of the first to read the flow of power within the state and one of the first to stop it. He maintained the constitutional order as an individual, transcending organizational logic. His testimony was not merely an internal disclosure, but evidence of loyalty to the enduring principle of the constitution over the temporary power of a regime. At the moment when the intelligence agency, military, and police all moved in the same direction, he walked in the opposite direction. The fact that South Korean democracy regained a ray of light was thanks to the choice of that one individual who refused to remain silent.