Passing the Broadcasting Act and the Evolution of Democracy, Returning Broadcasting to the People

The temptation of power, the trap of broadcasting

Every time the regime changes, it is a familiar scene in Korean society that the president of the public broadcaster changes, the stance of the news department shifts, and the faces of the anchors alter. When a president changes, personnel adjustments appropriate to the new administration are carried out at the broadcasting company, leading to a corresponding adjustment in the tone of broadcasts, which has essentially been recognized as a 'custom.' Broadcasting has not merely been a public medium but an extension of the power the regime wishes to hold. In this context, a noticeable political declaration has emerged: the passage of the 'Three Broadcasting Laws' led by the Democratic Party. This was an unprecedented decision to self-regulate the ruling party's influence and personnel authority over broadcasting. It is highly unusual in Korean political history for the ruling party to declare that it will voluntarily relinquish its power over broadcasting and to structure this through legislation. The Three Broadcasting Laws represent not just a simple institutional reform but an attempt to fundamentally redefine the relationship between power and media. This reform, which returns the ownership of public broadcasting to the 'people,' is the first step toward realizing the values of press freedom and political independence and signifies a stage of evolution in democracy.

Why Does the Takeover of Broadcasting Keep Happening

The structure of public broadcasting has remained vulnerable to power for a long time. The presidents of major public broadcasters such as KBS, MBC, and EBS have been decided through recommendations from the Korea Communications Commission or decisions made by the board of directors and appointments by the president, with the board being composed according to the political landscape of the ruling and opposition parties. In particular, when the board has 11 members, the ruling party's allocation of just 7 members could enable the appointment or dismissal of a specific president. This set-up led to changes in news responsibility whenever a regime changed, encouraging broadcasting to flow in a direction favorable to the regime. Since the authority to appoint the chairman of the Korea Communications Commission also lies with the president, it allowed for broadcasting policies to be operated based on political inclination. All methods such as the appointment of MBC's visiting board members, the composition of KBS's board, and the recommendations for EBS's operation committee were structures through which the political sphere indirectly controlled public broadcasting. This was the fundamental reason behind the repeated controversies over 'media capture' with each change of government. The emergence of general programming channels during the Lee Myung-bak administration, the takeover of KBS during the Park Geun-hye administration, and the intervention in the sale of YTN during the Yoon Suk-yeol administration are all representative examples that exploited these structural flaws. Contrary to the ideal that broadcasting belongs to the people, in reality, it has been thoroughly treated as a 'tool of the regime'.

Broadcasting Act No. 3, Why It Had to Happen Now

The discussion of the broadcasting three laws is not a recent issue. Its starting point was the 19th National Assembly in 2012. At that time, there were discussions about improving broadcast governance, but they remained at the level of opposition party's objections. The discussions gained momentum during the Moon Jae-in administration, but ultimately did not lead to legislation. The Democratic Party, despite being the overwhelming majority with 180 seats in the National Assembly, was unable to execute due to political burdens to avoid allegations of seizing broadcasting and various vested interests. As a result, the political independence of public broadcasting was not realized, and attempts to seize broadcasting were repeated after the change of government. However, President Lee Jae-myung has clearly expressed his intention for broadcasting reform since his inauguration. He declared, 'Public broadcasting belongs to the people, and no one should own or control it.' In particular, he strongly supports structural changes to the KBS president appointment system and stated that returning broadcasting 'not to the regime but to the people' is his mission. This attitude is regarded as the most distinct difference from past administrations and as a sincere approach to democracy.

Core of Public Broadcasting Reform

The core of the broadcasting law reform lies in fundamentally changing the way public broadcasting executives are elected and how the board is composed. First, there is diversification in the composition of the board. Moving away from a structure centered around the political realm, various stakeholders such as employees, viewer committees, academics, and legal professionals will participate in forming the board. For instance, in the case of KBS, the number of board members is expanded from 11 to 15, while reducing the portion recommended by the National Assembly and increasing the ratio of recommendations from employees and civic organizations. Second, there is innovation in the method of electing the executive. The key feature is the "citizen recommendation system for executive candidates." In this system, a jury of randomly selected citizens of over 100 members deliberates for a certain period to recommend 2 to 3 candidates, and the board elects the final executive by a majority of 3 out of 5 votes among those candidates. This structure significantly reduces the political realm's influence in determining or pressuring executive candidates. Such a system has already been piloted during the Moon Jae-in administration at MBC and KBS, and the recent amendment to the broadcasting law institutionalizes this approach. The structure that involves various stakeholders such as politicians, citizens, journalists, and academics enhances the transparency and democracy of the executive election process.

YTN Acquisition Controversy and the Public Nature of the Media

Another issue that has received attention alongside the broadcasting three laws is the problem related to the acquisition of YTN. The process of Eugene Group acquiring YTN has raised concerns about the opacity of financing, failure to fulfill commitments in the approval process, and the political bias of the management. In particular, the method of raising acquisition funds in the hundreds of billions of won through an affiliate with a capital of 200 million won, as well as suspicions of internal transactions using real estate owned by the founder's family, raise questions about both economic legitimacy and ethics. Currently, Eugene Group is criticized for not properly fulfilling the public responsibilities and reporting independence obligations it presented as conditions for the sale, leading to audits by the Korea Communications Commission, parliamentary hearings, and discussions on special investigations. Employees within YTN are also resisting this situation. Journalists have taken to the streets to hold placard protests, and there are voices of self-deprecation within, saying, 'I am ashamed to say I am a YTN reporter.' The resistance of journalists to protect the public nature of broadcasting ironically demonstrates why this law is necessary.

Controversy Surrounding Lee Jin-sook, Chairman of the Korea Communications Commission, and the Restructuring of Broadcasting Power

Another symbolic figure in the process of broadcasting reform is Lee Jin-suk, the chairperson of the Korea Communications Commission. She is a former journalist who became controversial for her anti-impeachment remarks and politically biased actions during the past national corruption scandal. Even after taking office as chairperson, various allegations have been raised against her, including violations of political neutrality, embezzlement charges, and audits by the Board of Audit and Inspection. Chairperson Lee attempted to change the Korea Communications Commission to a sole decision-making body and to align her term with the president's term. This has been interpreted as an attempt to make the Korea Communications Commission a direct agency under the president, which is considered a serious threat to the independence of the media. Lee Jin-suk's actions suggest that broadcasting reform should not only focus on legislation but also require changes in the operators and structural checks.

Broadcasting to the People: The Victory of Institutionalized Democracy

The Broadcasting Regulation Act is not simply a change of system but a historical turning point that redefines the relationship between power and the media. A structure that cannot be dominated by anyone, a system in which everyone participates, and media owned by the people. This is the future of public broadcasting in South Korea that this law envisions. Politicians seek power, but mature political forces must know how to control that power. The Democratic Party has realized its commitment to returning the influence of broadcasting from the regime to the people through this Broadcasting Regulation Act. This should not merely be seen as a good-natured political image, but should be evaluated as a practical example of resurrecting the independence of the media and the fundamental principles of democracy. Now, the ball is in the citizens' court. The system has been established, but it is ultimately the interest and participation of the people that will maintain and operate it. Media professionals must also once again uphold their mission and protect their positions. Just as MBC has done, YTN can rise again. Democracy is completed when systems and practices work together. The Broadcasting Regulation Act has provided the framework for that system, and now it is up to the citizens to fill it. The power has been relinquished, the media has been restored, and what remains is our effort to create a true 'public broadcasting'.